外文翻译---城市形象略论(编辑修改稿)

外文翻译---城市形象略论(编辑修改稿)内容摘要：

rpose, only some basic tables are presented, illustrating how different value orientations— or what Sifo terms RISC segments— correspond to citybased consumption These value orientations are treated hereas statistical representations of the creative ethos, guiding people in their organisation of time, space and social relations. The ethos may thus be thought of as a lifestyle generating formula shaping, for example, consumption modes much related to where they live— whether the city is ‘home’ or not. To some people, the city is a natural, takenforgranted, everyday environment。 to others, it is primarily the site of special events and public services. Likewise, while some people find the liveliness of the city to be a major asset, others regard it as a threat to their ontological security. Since the inner cores of metropolitan areas are rapidly changing places, it is not surprising that sophisticated lifestyles are found there. Individuals oriented towards expansion (Globalism) and change to a great extent found in city regions. This situation springs from a mutual relationship: while the dynamics of the city attract people with a particular ethos, the city environment (and all that es with it in terms of merce, public life, educational institutions, etc.) also functions as a socialisation agent, shaping this kind of ethos. Making a closer parison of the GA and LS segments (not presented in the table), one can conclude that, while the overall pattern of different lifestages is quite similar, the levels are very different. While the overall pattern suggests that people move to urban areas when they leave their parents’ home, and out of the city when they enter the family phase, the GA ethos is on the whole more citybased than is the LSethos. People within the GA segment are not only overrepresented among the young singles and 浙江农林大学本科毕业设计（论文） 4 couples living in the city。 they also have their backgrounds in more urban areas (if we overlook the significance of generational shifts, which is a nonmeasurable factor without longitudinal data). However, in later lifephases, particularly during the period of family establishment, the differences between these two segments are smaller. In both groups, there is a tendency to move out of urban apartments and into houses in more suburban, or even rural, areas— notably among the GA segments. However, this reorientation towards family life and security does not necessarily imply that the basic ethos— formed through family life, education and other socialisation agents— is altered. The ethos may still be founded upon the same ideals, but expressed in a different way, through a different lifestyle. This kind of socioeconomic approach may be applied not only to metropolitan areas as a whole, but also to innercity areas, in terms of particular quarters and neighbourhoods. Inner cities are typically diverse areas, involving a mix of public establishments and private dwellings, as well as a particularly heterogeneous and volatile population. Goteborg is no exception to this rule. Turning to the official statistics, one finds that the innercity districts are populated by more one and twoperson households than the Goteborg average, and that ines are neither particularly high nor particularly low (Statistical Yearbook Goteborg 1996). The inner city is a meetingplace, or a meltingpot for cultural and economic capital, as well as for dominant, alternative and oppositional modes of consumption (see Andersson and Jansson, 1998). Obviously, what most urbandwellers have in mon is a paratively greater number of visits to shops, restaurants。