经贸专业英语报刊阅读教程unit3原文及翻译内容摘要:

en now Mr Obama insists he is “mitted to pursuing expanded trade and new trade agreements”, and this week he defended his action as nothing more than the enforcement of trade laws. 讫今,奥巴马试图平复人们对他的贸易保护主义倾向的担忧 ——奥放弃了威胁要重新修订北美自由贸易协定的主张,还放弃了因人民币的贬值而惩罚中国的想法。 他还与主流的、主张自由贸易的经济学家们一起淡化(尽管否决失败)经济刺激方案中 “购买美国产品 ”的条款,他也反对国会在讨论限排及交易方案时加入碳排放税条款。 即使到现在,奥巴马坚持认为自己 “拥护扩大贸易和新的国际贸易协定 ”。 本周,他袒护他的行为仅仅是为了推行贸易法。 That, however, is a stretch. Mr Obama had no obligation to act. Under the terms of joining the WTO, China gave other countries the right until 2020 to impose temporary “safeguards” against surges of Chinese imports. In America the relevant law, Section 421 of the Trade Act, does not require proof that China has broken international trade rules against subsidising or dumping goods (ie, selling below cost), only that the domestic industry was disrupted. Once the International Trade Commission, an independent panel, says that such disruption has occurred, it is up to the president to decide whether to impose remedies. Mr Bush declined to do so in the four Section 421 cases that came to him. 然而,这是一场持久战。 奥巴马没有义务作出回应。 根据入世协定, 2020年之前,中国应允许其他国家采取暂时性 “保护措施 ”限制从中国进口产品的增长。 在美国的相关法律中,有一个贸易法 421 条款。 依该条款,实施 “保护措施 ”不必证明中国违 背国际贸易规定补贴出口商或向美国倾销(低于成本价卖出),仅需证明本国产业受损。 一旦美国国际贸易委员会专门小组判定不利影响发生,决定是否实施该条款就取决于总统。 布什当政期间,曾收到 4 次此类条款实施的申请,全部被否决。 Politically, Mr Obama may have felt he had little choice. The United Steelworkers union filed the plaint in April and the law required Mr Obama to decide by September 17th. Having promised repeatedly to enforce trade laws more vigorously than Mr Bush, Mr Obama presumably felt he needed to do something. The economic benefits to those who lobbied for protection, however, are minuscule. Domestic manufacturers ha。
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