德国大城市的停车政策外文翻译

德国大城市的停车政策外文翻译内容摘要：

60% of all residents39。 cars are present, while at about . about 45% are present. The occupancy by employees39。 cars is mountainshaped with a maximum presence in the forenoon of about 85% of all registered parking occurrences. The occupancy time graphs of residents and employees are very similar in all investigated city districts. The presence of customers39。 and visitors39。 cars in the city district NordendSiid is continously increasing during the day and is dominated by private visits. In other districts where business and shopping visits dominate, the curve decreases towards the evening. Investigations in several city districts show a close similarity of occupancy time graphs for residents and employees alike (Retzko amp。 Topp Consultants 1988). This allows the transfer of parking patterns from district to district without extensive surveys within each district. The similarity of the occupancy time graphs for visitors is less distinct because of the different purposes of visits. supply: Onstreet and offstreet, public and private The total parking volume of a city district consists of different types of parking spaces concerning ownership, operation and usability. The most important distinction is public or private related to accessibility for all or for certain groups and to the degree of control by municipal parking policy. Most public are onstreet spaces with the only restrictions being preferences for residents (or handicapped). These spaces are totally controlled by the municipality and, therefore, they are usually the starting point of parking concepts. The municipal influence on parking garages even those publicly operated is limited because of legal contracts concerning, for instance, the share of permanently let spaces or parking tariffs. A municipal parking pany operating as many garages as possible as, for instance, the Parkhaus Betriebs GmbH in Frankfurt operating 12 garages with about 8,000 spaces in total provides influence and creates a chance to integrate those spaces into parking concepts. About 40% of all spaces are permanently let, even in the muncipally operated garages in Frankfurt. Private spaces cannot be controlled by municipal parking concepts. They can only be indirectly affected, for instance, by no parking provision at all for employees in the public realm, to induce firms to distribute their private spaces to employees who are carbound because of handicaps, professional use of the car, and lacking in public transport alternatives. In the long term, the amount of private spaces can be controlled by zoning ordinances. The share of private spaces in the total parking is about 40 to 50% in German cities. Table 3 shows the figures for Frankfurt am Main. Parking space which is not pletely controlled by parking management measures is an oversaturated system: that means parking demand exceeds parking supply or to put it another way additional spaces attract additional cars. That is even true with illegal parking possibilities. How parking management can avoid this is indicated by spare capacities in parking lots where streets are totally crowded by parked cars. The oftencited deficit of parking spaces is often revealed as a defic it of cheap and easily accessible spaces near to the real destinations. These are, under presentday regulations, onstreet spaces legal as well as illegal. As is shown by spare capacities in parking lots except during main shopping days an equal balance below total occupancy is to be achieved by parking prices. So accessibility is granted while search traffic is avoided. In many discussions about the reasonable supply of parking spaces in a city district, parking deficits are plained of, especially by representatives of the retail trade. Such deficits are often dissolved if the underlying parking standards are changed, . if, for instance, a longer walk between parking and final destination is assumed. So when speaking about parking deficits, we have to add standards in terms of distances and costs to define them. By the way, the same occurs in other fields of transportation: so, for instance, the capacity of a road section or a junction is connected with the level of service expressed by speed or waiting times. The amount of car traffic generated by a parking space depends on parking duration and parking turnover as well as on search traffic. So, for instance, 10% of the residents39。 cars parked onstreet in a Frankfurt inner city district are not moved during a weekday. In Munich inner city districts, this share of unmoved cars rises to 30%. Residential parking spaces used in this way generate no car traffic during the day at all. On the contrary, a parking space with a onehour parking limit from . to . which is enforced, may be occupied 10 times, thus generating 10 car arrivals and 10 departures. Rough balances are often based on the assumption that a shortduration parking space for customers and visitors is occupied fivefold pared with a resident39。 s or employee39。 s parking space. That means a fivefold car traffic generation if a parking space is transformed from longduration use of residents or employees to short duration of customers, as is often discussed in parking concepts. AdditionaUy, the imbalance of the demand for public transport services during the day will increase with the effect of growing operating costs. More car traffic also out of traffic peaks is not bearable in the large cities because of air pollution. Therefore, the formula must be extended: more shortduration spaces for customers instead of longduration spaces to the extent that car traffic will not increase in total. That could be achieved, for instance, if five longduration spaces for employees are transformed into one short duration space for customers and one。